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English to Spanish - Rates: 0.02 - 0.04 USD per word / 10 - 20 USD per hour Portuguese to Spanish - Rates: 0.02 - 0.04 USD per word / 10 - 20 USD per hour
English to Spanish: Article about corruption in Nicaragua General field: Social Sciences Detailed field: Government / Politics
Source text - English Sideswiping CICIG
An attack on corruption sleuths in Guatemala is also aimed at judges
A constitutional crisis raises the stakes in the forthcoming election
In 2007 the International Commission Against Corruption and Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG) became the first international anti-graft agency to exercise legal power inside a country. Over the next decade the UN-backed commission accomplished what Guatemala’s frail justice system alone could not. It broke up rackets between criminals and politicians. In 2015 its investigations prompted the resignation and jailing of the president, Otto Pérez Molina. That helped Jimmy Morales, a comedian who ran on an anti-corruption platform, win the next election. “We are a government fighting against corruption, and what better way to do that than with CICIG?” he mused shortly before he took office.
Mr Morales changed his tune in 2017 after CICIG uncovered evidence that he and his party, the National Convergence Front, had accepted more than $1m in illegal donations for his election campaign (he denies wrongdoing). CICIG also provided evidence that has led to the trial of Mr Morales’s son, José, and his brother, Samuel, on charges that they stole public money by filing fake invoices.
In August 2018 Mr Morales said he would not renew CICIG’s two-year mandate, which will expire in September this year. On January 5th he barred Yilen Osorio, a CICIG investigator with diplomatic immunity, from re-entering the country. He was detained for 36 hours at Guatemala’s main airport. On January 7th Mr Morales upped the ante, demanding that CICIG disband and giving its foreign workers 24 hours to leave.
Two days later the constitutional court blocked the order, saying Mr Morales does not have the power to withdraw from international treaties at such short notice. This sets up a confrontation between two branches of government that will shape politics at least through the presidential election scheduled for this June, in which Mr Morales is not permitted to run. In this fight he can count on support from congressmen, a tenth of whom have been investigated for criminal activities, and from the supreme court, the highest tribunal for non-constitutional matters.
Mr Morales may have more than one reason for wanting to get rid of CICIG. He will lose his immunity to prosecution after he steps down as president next January. He may feel safer if CICIG is not around to supply evidence. By shutting CICIG down now, he will also prevent it from scrutinising spending in the next election. And he might make it harder for the next president to bring CICIG back.
Some observers speculate that Mr Morales is targeting the constitutional court as much as he is CICIG. The court has repeatedly frustrated his attempts to thwart CICIG. Last year, it overturned an order barring the commission’s head, Iván Velásquez, from re-entering the country after a trip. The court angered business in September by suspending construction of the San Rafael silver mine in southern Guatemala until the mining company consults local indigenous groups. If he gets rid of CICIG and tames the constitutional court, Mr Morales will face few checks on his power.
The government is conducting a public-relations campaign against the court. On January 7th Sandra Jovel, the foreign minister, described its ruling in favour of Mr Osorio as “illegal”. On January 9th the supreme court, which has been deferential to the president, forwarded to congress a request to strip three constitutional-court judges of immunity to prosecution. Their justification is that last year the judges improperly interfered in foreign policy by vetoing Mr Morales’s attempt to expel the Swedish ambassador, who had lamented corruption in Guatemala. A prosecutor has drawn up the three judges, alleging that their decisions in favour of CICIG were illegal.
Congress will be able to strip the constitutional judges of their immunity as soon as next week. That will have little effect unless the the attorney-general, María Consuelo Porras, presses the charges that have been drawn up against them. She has given no indication yet that she plans to do that. The process would take months, says Fernando Carrera, a former foreign minister.
In the meantime, Mr Morales will treat the constitutional court’s decisions as illegitimate and may even disobey them. CICIG’s foreign workers have left the country. Its Guatemalan employees are lying low. The lawyer representing CICIG in the trial of the president’s son and brother did not show up to court on January 9th.
Guatemala’s constitutional crisis raises the stakes in the forthcoming election. Many of the president’s critics hope that Thelma Aldana, who as attorney-general from 2014 to 2018 co-operated closely with CICIG, will enter the race with a campaign based on supporting CICIG and the rule of law. Guatemalans are fed up with corruption. Some 70% express confidence in CICIG. “If I were a candidate I would want to be on the right side of that issue,” says Eric Olson of the Wilson Centre, a think-tank in Washington, DC.
Angry Guatemalans are already beginning to demonstrate on the streets in the commission’s defence. If these protests grow, worries Claudia Escobar, a former judge, Mr Morales will exploit the disorder to postpone the elections. That would be a serious blow to democracy.
Translation - Spanish Ataque indirecto a la CICIG
Un ataque a investigadores de hechos de corrupción en Guatemala también está dirigido a jueces
Una crisis constitucional levanta la vara en las próximas elecciones
En 2007, la Comisión Internacional Contra la Corrupción y la Impunidad en Guatemala (CICIG) se convirtió en la primera agencia internacional antisoborno en ejercitar facultad legal dentro de un país. En el trascurso de la siguiente década, la comisión respaldada por la ONU logró lo que el endeble sistema judicial de Guatemala no consiguió. Acabó con las extorsiones entre criminales y políticos. En 2015, sus investigaciones precipitaron la renuncia y la encarcelación del presidente, Otto Pérez Molina. Este hecho hizo posible que Jimmy Morales, un comediante que se postuló sobre la base de una plataforma anticorrupción, se consagrara en las elecciones siguientes. “Somos un gobierno que lucha contra la corrupción; y ¿qué mejor forma de llevar a cabo esta lucha que con la CICIG?”, reflexionó momentos antes de asumir el cargo.
El Sr. Morales cambió su discurso en 2017, luego de que la CICIG revelara pruebas de que él, junto con su partido, el Frente de Convergencia Nacional, habían aceptado más de US$ 1 millón en donaciones ilegales para su campaña electoral (él niega haber obrado en forma indebida). La CICIG también presentó pruebas que condujeron al enjuiciamiento del hijo del Sr. Morales, José, y su hermano, Samuel, por acusaciones de haber robado fondos públicos al presentar facturas falsificadas.
En agosto de 2018, el Sr. Morales declaró que no renovaría el mandato de dos años de la CICIG, el cual caducará en septiembre del corriente año. El 5 de enero, prohibió el reingreso al país a Yilen Osorio, investigador de la CICIG con inmunidad diplomática. Se lo mantuvo detenido durante 136 horas en el principal aeropuerto de Guatemala. El 7 de enero, el Sr. Morales redobló la apuesta, exigiendo la disolución de la CICIG y otorgándoles a sus trabajadores extranjeros un plazo de 24 horas para abandonar el país.
Dos días después, el tribunal constitucional desestimó la orden, alegando que el Sr. Morales no posee la potestad para dejar de cumplir con tratados internacionales con tan escasa antelación. Esto genera una confrontación entre dos poderes del estado que determinará el panorama político, al menos hasta las elecciones presidenciales programadas para este mes de junio, a las que el Sr. Morales no tiene permitido postularse. En esta pelea, puede contar con el respaldo de sus congresistas, de los cuales una décima parte fue investigada por actividades delictivas, y de la corte suprema, el más alto tribunal en cuestiones no constitucionales.
El Sr. Morales puede tener más de un motivo para querer deshacerse de la CICIG. Perderá su inmunidad procesal después de abandonar el cargo de presidente el próximo enero. Podría sentirse más seguro al no estar la CICIG para presentar pruebas en su contra. Al disolver la CICIG ahora, también evitaría que examine el gasto público durante las próximas elecciones. Asimismo, podría dificultar aún más la restitución de la CICIG por parte del próximo presidente.
Algunos observadores especulan que el Sr. Morales está dirigiendo su ataque al tribunal constitucional tanto como a la CICIG. El tribunal ha frustrado en repetidas ocasiones sus intentos de obstaculizar la labor de la CICIG. El pasado año, derogó una orden de prohibir el reingreso al país del director de la comisión, Iván Velásquez, después de realizar un viaje. En septiembre, el tribunal provocó el descontento del sector de negocios al suspender las obras en la mina de plata de San Rafael ubicada en el sur de Guatemala hasta que la empresa minera realice consultas con grupos indígenas locales. Si logra eliminar la CICIG y mantener controlado al tribunal constitucional, el Sr. Morales no tendrá que enfrentarse a demasiadas inspecciones en relación a sus facultades.
El gobierno está implementando una campaña de relaciones públicas en contra del tribunal. El 7 de enero, la ministra de relaciones exteriores, Sandra Jovel, definió el fallo a favor del Sr. Osorio como “ilegal”. El 9 de enero, la corte suprema, la cual mantuvo una posición respetuosa hacia el presidente, envió al congreso un pedido para retirar la inmunidad procesal a tres jueces del tribunal constitucional. Justificó su decisión afirmando que, el pasado año, los jueces habían interferido de manera inapropiada en la política exterior al vetar el intento del Sr. Morales de expulsar al embajador de Suecia, quien había lamentado la situación de corrupción en Guatemala. Un fiscal presentó cargos contra los tres jueces, alegando que sus decisiones en favor de la CICIG habían sido ilegales.
El congreso podrá revocar la inmunidad procesal de los jueces constitucionales en el trascurso de la próxima semana. Esta medida no tendrá un efecto significativo a menos que la procuradora general, María Consuelo Porras, ratifique los cargos interpuestos en contra de los jueces. Aún no ha dado indicaciones de que pretenda hacerlo. El proceso demoraría meses, afirma Fernando Carrera, anterior ministro de relaciones exteriores.
Mientras tanto, el Sr. Morales considerará ilegítimos los fallos del tribunal constitucional y podrá incluso desobedecerlos. Los empleados extranjeros de la CICIG ya han abandonado el país. Sus empleados guatemaltecos están adoptando un perfil bajo. El 9 de enero, el abogado que representa a la CICIG en el juicio contra el hijo y el hermano del presidente no compareció ante el tribunal.
La crisis constitucional en Guatemala levanta la vara en las próximas elecciones. Muchos de los críticos del presidente esperan que Thelma Aldana, quien, como procuradora general de 2014 a 2018, mantuvo una colaboración estrecha con la CICIG, se postule como candidata con una campaña basada en el respaldo a la CICIG y el estado de derecho. Los guatemaltecos están hartos de la corrupción. Aproximadamente el 70% expresó confianza en la CICIG. “Si fuera candidato, optaría por estar del lado correcto de esa problemática”, afirma Eric Olson del Wilson Centre, instituto de investigación en Washington, D.C.
Grupos de guatemaltecos enfadados ya están comenzando a manifestarse en las calles en defensa de la comisión. La ex jueza Claudia Escobar declara con preocupación que, si las protestas se intensifican, el Sr. Morales se aprovechará de los disturbios para posponer las elecciones. Esto representaría un duro golpe a la democracia.
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Bachelor's degree - Universidad Nacional de La Plata
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Years of experience: 18. Registered at ProZ.com: Nov 2018.
My name is Pablo Luis García Lafón and I am a Sworn Public English-Spanish Translator from Buenos Aires, Argentina. I have graduated in 2005 from the University of La Plata, Buenos Aires, and have been working as a freelance translator for translation agencies based in Argentina and Brazil for the last 14 years, with texts from English into Spanish as well as Portuguese into Spanish. My main areas of expertise are IT and marketing related texts, but I have also vast experience in technical manuals and legal contracts (clients and references can be found in my uploaded CV). My main pair of languages is English into Spanish but I also have comprehensive experience in Portuguese into Spanish, due to the fact that I have been living in Brazil and working for Brazilian translation agencies for the last ten years. I have full time availability (including weekends) and I am extremely responsible with respect to quality, accuracy and deadlines. I have also uploaded a sample translation to evaluate my quality and am willing to do a sample translation. I am also experienced in the use of CAT tools (e.g., Trados Studio, MemSource, XTM, MemoQ, Zanata) and machine assisted translation.
Should you have additional doubts, do not hesitate to contact me via this medium, e-mail ([email protected]), skype (pablo.morant27) or LinkedIn (Pablo García Lafón)
Best regards.
Keywords: Information technology, software, hardware, marketing, english, portuguese, spanish, computers, technical manuals, legal contracts. See more.Information technology, software, hardware, marketing, english, portuguese, spanish, computers, technical manuals, legal contracts, 14 years of experience, Cisco, Dell, Microsoft, Red Hat, MemSource, Trados Studio, Machine translation, full time availability. See less.
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